Seniority is not power
We can't afford to keep Rob Wittman in Congress
Greetings from Wittman Watch HQ! 👋
Last Thursday we dug into Wittman’s (considerable) contributions to the national debt. His “fiscal responsibility” stance isn’t for real, fr.
On Tuesday we opened a new Wittman Truth File, this time on jobs & the economy. WTFs are great for sharing with friends, neighbors, and anyone you know who might benefit from never voting for Wittman again. (So: everyone.)
Today we turn to the idea of Rob Wittman’s “seniority” in Congress, and specifically his role on the House Armed Services Committee (HASC). This is one of the most powerful bodies in Congress. It oversees America’s defense, holding the Pentagon to account and ensuring our military resources are properly equipped and deployed. Wittman is currently the Vice Chair of the HASC and aims to become the Chair. But he’s faced with a problem: he might not get re-elected in November. Voters might ask what VA-01 could lose if Wittman is not re-elected. Let’s review Wittman’s work on the HASC, his possible path to the Chairmanship, and what we might gain with a different representative in Congress.
What does the House Armed Services Committee do?
The HASC oversees the Pentagon, shapes defense policy, and guides the government’s national security agenda. The HASC is responsible for producing the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), which sets policy and guides everything from service member pay to weapons programs. This significant piece of legislation has been bipartisan for decades.
A brief history of Wittman’s positions on the HASC
Wittman has been a member of HASC since 2007. In addition to his Vice Chair role, he’s also chair of the Tactical Air & Land Forces (TAL) Subcommittee, and a member of the Seapower and Projection Forces (SPF) Subcommittee. TAL has jurisdiction over “ammunition programs, Army and Air Force acquisition programs related to aircraft, ground equipment, missiles, ammunition, and other procurement,” while SPF oversees various, Navy, Marine Corps, Air Force, and Army acquisition programs.
Wittman is bullish about maintaining defense spending, both for modernization and military readiness purposes. He’s been determined to expand the Navy to counter threats from China and Russia. Wittman is perceived as an advocate for shipbuilding programs and naval readiness.
Wittman’s impact on VA-01 & Virginia as HASC Vice Chair
Some of the defense-related benefits Wittman claims to have delivered to VA-01 include:
Securing $2.2m military construction projects and Naval Weapons Station Yorktown infrastructure. This was merely an incremental change, not a transformative economic achievement.
97% of Bethel Manor Elementary School’s student body in York County is military-connected (i.e. children of Langley AFB personnel), and Wittman helped get $3.25m for new classrooms to alleviate overcrowding.
That’s not very much for 19 years on the Committee. He makes various other claims about funding provided via the NDAA. But firstly, those are largely nothing to do with VA-01; and secondly, how much of those accomplishments are directly attributable to him, as opposed to other people’s efforts that he signed onto or otherwise endorsed? The NDAA is voted on by the entire Congress and it routinely gets broad bipartisan support. Wittman’s “wins” with regard to the NDAA are coalition products shared with other members (including Democrats like Elaine Luria, the former and hopefully future representative in VA-02).
Virginia’s $270B annual federal defense haul is structural and was built over decades, not delivered by any one member of Congress. Our state’s defense industries, shipbuilding, and military bases will exist no matter who’s on the HASC. But it’s also clear that Wittman has not grown Virginia’s defense economy as effectively as other representatives have served their own districts; during his tenure, Virginia’s defense economy has shown minimal growth at just 6.5% from FY2020-2023, and our share of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) from defense decreased by 14%. If Wittman’s presence on the HASC were so effective, these numbers would be radically better!
Also troubling: while on the HASC, Wittman put Virginia defense jobs on the chopping block. Precise numbers of defense jobs lost haven’t been tracked, but overall, Hampton Roads lost 12,000 civilian jobs in 2025. At least 6,000 of those jobs were federal civilian positions, and those plus additional job losses are at least partly due to federal cuts enabled by the Republican party, with Wittman’s support. And his proposed legislation for veterans is just “fantas[y] without any concrete, delivered benefits for veterans and their families.”
Wittman has had 19 years’ worth of opportunity on the HASC to deliver stronger growth and stability for Virginia’s defense industries. He has failed, and perhaps even inhibited growth while cavalierly risking defense employment in the state.
Wittman’s improbable path to HASC Chair
While focusing on his 19 years of service and ignoring his failure to deliver results to VA-01, Wittman’s supporters believe he will become Chair of the HASC if he succeeds in his bid for re-election this November. That is hardly a sure bet.
The term of the current HASC Chair, Congressman Mike Rogers (AL-03), expires in January 2027. If Republicans maintain the House majority in November, the House GOP Steering Committee will choose the committee’s next leader based on factors like seniority, expertise, and fundraising ability (i.e., to fill the coffers of the National Republican Congressional Committee). Wittman is one of several Republicans in the running to succeed Rogers. Previously, in 2024, he expressed interest in becoming Chair:
Virginia is ground zero for much of our military. I want to make sure we continue to support that. Being in a leadership position there on the House Armed Services Committee allows me to do a lot of things. Eventually competing to become chairman would allow me to do even more…
—Rob Wittman, 2024
But Wittman’s path to the HASC chairmanship is contested. Other prospects include HASC members Rep. Ronny Jackson (TX-13), who is chair of the Intelligence and Special Operations Subcommittee, and Rep. Trent Kelly (MS-01). Some have speculated that Jackson, a retired Navy rear admiral, might get the job because he once worked as a White House physician and is considered a Trump loyalist. Wittman is Rogers’ “preferred successor” and might be just as loyal, but he lacks the proximity to Trump that Jackson has had. That could jeopardize his ambitions.
So Wittman becoming chair depends on Republicans keeping the House majority. Another possible scenario unfolds if he wins reelection but Republicans don’t retain control over the House, in which case Wittman would be a ranking member of the committee. If he does win and Republicans retain control of the House, he’s still likely to be passed over for Ronny Jackson or Trent Kelly.
It’s quite simple: if Trump wants a devoted lieutenant to manage the HASC so he can engage in unlawful attacks on sovereign nations and maintain an unauthorized war while attempting to mollify the public, he’s more than likely to bypass under-the-radar Wittman in favor of brazen publicity hound loyalist Ronny Jackson.
He’s no military “champion”
Suggestions that VA-01 should vote for Wittman because he will be chair of the HASC are wildly misguided. In the context of Virginia’s 2026 redistricting referendum, the Washington Examiner laments “the [potential] loss of senior lawmakers positioned to shape major legislation and funding priorities.” Wittman is identified as one of those lawmakers. The paper asserts — without evidence — that the Trump administration’s (questionable) relationship with Wittman “often drive[s] outcomes.” Wittman’s position and seniority on HASC, the claim goes, positions him to be a “champion” for Virginia’s “large naval base economy,” to directly influence Pentagon policy, and to guide federal spending. What proof is offered for this? None. This is all “vibes.”
It’s easy to make sweeping declarations about Wittman’s alleged influence and military advocacy on the HASC, but there’s little evidence that he’s powerful in either of those capacities. A champion for the military in Wittman’s position wouldn’t remain silent about Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s “security leaks,” the Trump administration’s illegal attacks on Venezuela, or the forced presence of the National Guard in American cities. Nor does a champion put military service members in harm’s way by sending them to fight in illegal wars.
There’s no evidence for the hypothetical claim that Wittman’s influence on the HASC could grow if he becomes chair. In what ways might Wittman specifically — as a documentably ineffective leader and congressman — direct benefits or confer advantages for VA-01 as chair that he hasn’t been able to manage in his 19 years on HASC subcommittees? Again, it’s just “vibes.”
What the evidence does show is that, as HASC Vice Chair, Wittman has not shown true leadership on any aspect of America’s armed services governance.
He’s struggling to manage VA-01’s military priorities
As Wittman Watch has demonstrated time and again, Wittman’s voting record has failed his constituents (and the country) in multiple ways. How does his leadership ambition for the HASC dovetail with his legislative track record in military matters?
We’ve already made the case that Wittman is ineffective at driving VA-01 “to ever-greater growth — from which the military, veterans, and all of us can benefit.” Despite the advantage of representing a district that nabs “substantial defense contracts…due to Norfolk Naval Station, Pentagon proximity, and established contractor relationships,” Wittman failed to secure enough funding “for the region’s defense installations and industries.” Virginia lags behind other states in defense spending and military/construction projects, and despite our area’s enormous military/industrial capacities and presence, the projects Wittman has secured have been small and incremental, not transformative for our state.
Wittman claims that he puts military service members first, but his inaction reveals a lack of compassion for them.
Under Wittman’s watch, the second Trump administration cut 40,000 Veterans Administration employees. That purge resulted in a huge loss of institutional knowledge and timely, high-quality care for veterans: “[E]ven though some of those positions have been refilled, the new employees lack the same skills and experience as the employees who were either fired or quit due to the toxic environment created by the administration.”
Due to the Iran war, the USS Gerald R. Ford became the longest-deployed carrier of the post-Vietnam era. In March, a fire on board meant hundreds of sailors lost bedding and slept on cots. The ship averaged one sewage failure per day. Sailors who are our neighbors (from Norfolk, Newport News, Yorktown, and surrounding areas) told the Wall Street Journal they’re considering leaving the Navy. Among those sailors was a mother who hadn’t seen her toddler in nearly a year. Wittman’s response when asked if extended deployments change anything: “The world gets a vote.” In a press release, Wittman said, “We recruit sailors, but we retain families.” Congress helped create the maintenance backlog grinding down our ships and crews. Wittman is partly responsible for that; he’s on the Seapower and Projection Forces Subcommittee that is responsible for “Navy… acquisition programs and accounts related to shipbuilding.” Who did Wittman convene to address the chaos our sailors endured? Donor-contractors, behind closed doors at a historic hotel.
He hasn’t objected to H.R. 143, a bill that would cut “more than $100 billion in annual VA medical funding.” As far as we can determine, no veteran’s group has ever endorsed Wittman. Once again, despite his supposed seniority, Wittman seems significantly short on influence.
Too impotent to oversee our armed services
The evidence demonstrates that Wittman has failed his constituents in VA-01 and all Americans while he has served on the HASC.
He votes to continue America’s unauthorized war with Iran, regardless of the rising casualty numbers and Trump’s calls for the annihilation of a whole civilization.
Gas prices are spiking and inflation is rising because of the Iran War.
The Trump administration is gutting veteran healthcare staff and services.
As HASC Vice Chair, Wittman could have used his power to prevent reckless military action that puts American troops in harm’s way. He should have wielded his influence to prevent the illegal invasion of Venezuela instead of commending the Trump administration for it after the fact. He also should have used his position to help prevent the Iran invasion. The most conservative reports suggest that at least 14 American service members have been killed so far during the Iran War, and over 400 injured. Wittman has said nothing about their suffering as allegations have surfaced that the Pentagon has been covering up the true number of casualties.
Democrats on the Senate Armed Services Committee “questioned the Pentagon’s preparations and whether the administration ‘failed to protect Americans in the region from Iranian retaliation’.” According to Senator Warren, “Secretary Hegseth sent our troops to fight in Iran, refused to take basic steps to protect them, and then tried to cover up his failures when service members died.” Wittman should have taken similar oversight steps on the HASC.
Since the Trump administration began invading other countries, Wittman’s HASC duties seem to frequently be in service of the administration’s warmongering goals. During a HASC hearing on the Department of Defense 2027 budget proposal and the Iran War, Wittman lobbed an appallingly softball question at Secretary Hegseth. The question was so easy and the exchange so oddly cordial that we must wonder whether Wittman felt obliged to help mask Hegseth’s inexperience. Worse still, Hegseth ignored Wittman entirely and used up Wittman’s allotted time to berate a Democratic committee member for the TV cameras – and Wittman let him! This is not the behavior of a serious legislator committed to holding the Secretary of Defense to account. Instead, Wittman operates as an ineffective and deferential flunky for someone he regards as his superior.
At his roundtable of senior defense leaders and industry executives, Wittman said, “I will continue working with the Department of War [sic] and our industry partners to remove barriers and deliver results.” His declaration sounds like a plan to keep the Iran War going, not stop it. And industry executives like those at Wittman’s event will probably profit from the ongoing war. We already know that Wittman serves big donors, not us. Twenty-one percent of his campaign money comes from defense contractors – the same companies whose budgets he oversees on the HASC. That conflict of interest — especially if it leads to corruption or self-dealing — threatens to tarnish his positive accomplishments. It does not reflect the moral compass of a true leader.
Wittman rubber stamps the Trump agenda. In this case, his rubber stamping comes with the risk of more human casualties, an increased cost of living for his constituents, and global destabilization. Between Wittman’s unwavering support for the Trump regime and his struggle to manage VA-01’s military priorities, he is unfit for the position of HASC chair.
A different representative could deliver better results
What does it mean for VA-01 if Wittman loses reelection? It will cost seniority in Congress, but doesn’t jeopardize Virginia’s defense economy. Besides, our state has defense industry advocates in Senators Tim Kaine and Mark Warner, both of whom are members of the Armed Services and Appropriations committee. They have the influence and access necessary to provide oversight and meet the needs of Virginia’s military industry and service members.
A different VA-01 representative could deliver better expertise, leadership, and results on the HASC. Wittman’s qualifications for the role were always tenuous; his only military service experience was as a Virginia Tech student, in the Corps of Cadets and Army ROTC. HASC members must sometimes grapple with ethical questions such as which service members are sent into harm’s way, deciding which type of authority is used to go to war, and what would happen if the American government turned its weapons on its citizens. Wittman is not mentally, technically, or constitutionally prepared to lead debates on such grave matters as these.
There are times when possessing a moral compass, professional ethics, and compassion are essential for the health of American democracy and our military. Given Wittman’s failures as a congressman, his distinctly underwhelming record as a HASC member, his conflicts of interest, and his enablement of the lawless actions of the tyrannical Trump administration, it’s clear Wittman has not acted with the morals, ethics, or integrity that proper governance requires.
Of course, if Wittman doesn’t win reelection in VA-01, the whole question of him remaining on HASC in any capacity becomes irrelevant. One way to ensure our district has better representation on the HASC (and everywhere else) is to replace him with a congressperson who takes their oath of office seriously. Meet seven options better than Rob Wittman, and vote for one of them on November 4.
What do you think Rob Wittman can do better with his time on the HASC? Let us know what you think.
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