Broken Promises: Infrastructure

19 years, $0 funding: Rob Wittman has failed to build new opportunities in VA-01

Greetings from Wittman Watch HQ! 👋 🇺🇸

• On Tuesday we opened Wittman Truth File #8: Elections & Democracy.

• Last Thursday we discussed how true American patriots have challenged America to live up to its stated ideals.

• One way to do that is to vote! Early in-person voting for the Democratic Party primary is open, and will continue through August 1. (Election Day is August 4.) You’ll find all the info you need to cast your ballot here (and our candidate guide here).

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Our district’s ability to thrive is capped by its infrastructure: roads and bridges, rail lines, energy generation and transmission, port transportation, broadband, and public transit. Without these, the people and businesses in our communities are isolated and insulated from opportunities and each other. Investment in infrastructure creates economic opportunities and improves the standard of living for everyone in VA-01. So why has Rob Wittman achieved so little on infrastructure in his 19 years in Congress?

Archived pages on the Wayback Machine (via Internet Archive) of his campaign websites, in addition to his actual legislative record, uncover the history of his campaign infrastructure promises. When he entered Congress in December 2007, infrastructure wasn’t on Wittman’s radar at all, even as bridges were falling apart, vast numbers of residents lacked high-speed internet access, and traffic congestion snarled up our communities.

• The Virginia Department of Transportation (VDOT) was grappling with a maintenance backlog complicated by the rising costs of basic construction materials and a drop in motor fuel tax revenue.

• Severe underfunding in places like the Northern Neck and the Middle Peninsula had led to deteriorating rural roads, unpaved secondary routes, and inadequate infrastructure to handle growing traffic demands.

• Water quality infrastructure also needed improvement, including wastewater treatment and cleaning up the Chesapeake Bay.

The state of Virginia had a long-term Transportation Plan, and the General Assembly took legislative action to address these problems. But to the detriment of VA-01, Wittman dragged his feet when it came to securing federal funding for infrastructure.

Throughout his Congressional career, Wittman’s pledges and actions on infrastructure have fallen far short of what the First District expected and needed – and even now, his 2026 campaign does not contain any concrete plans to improve infrastructure in VA-01.

While the past does not predict the future, it indicates what we can expect. And when we look at Wittman’s record on infrastructure, we learn that we can only expect mediocrity from him in the future.

Roads & Bridges

Wittman has described being able to “see the transportation needs first-hand” by driving around the First District. He has presented a mix of campaign promises and legislative efforts:

• Pledging to divert federal gas tax revenue back to Virginia

• Introducing the Responsible Highway Reinvestment Act (H. R. 6273) to invest highway trust fund dollars in interest-bearing accounts (and we wonder: is there any such thing as “irresponsible” highway reinvestment?)

• Securing language in the House Defense Authorization Bill for teleworking to alleviate transportation problems

One of these is immediately dismissable: his Responsible Highway Reinvestment Act never advanced in Congress. True to form, that doesn’t stop Rob from touting his submission of it as an achievement!

Wittman voted in favor of the FAST Act (H. R. 22), a five-year, $305 billion commitment to improve roadways and railways, and it passed with sweeping bipartisan support in 2015. This included $165 million to extend I-95 Express Lanes into Fredericksburg, which was once part of Wittman’s district. But that changed in 2021 when districts were redrawn. Aside from the fact that Wittman was only one tiny cog in the legislative machine that passed the bill, VA-01 as it exists today did not benefit from any aspect of the funding Wittman crowed about.

VA-01 infrastructure projects are largely state, local, and regional-driven (such as efforts by the Virginia Department of Transportation), and we acknowledge that many of these efforts are beyond the scope of any single Congressperson’s reach. As commuter choke points were causing severe traffic and safety issues, Virginia’s Commonwealth Transportation Board continued to address regional highway congestion problems while Wittman played a negligible role — but you wouldn’t know that from his self-congratulatory press releases.

Wittman refers to his “support” for funding to replace the Robert O. Norris Bridge. When it came to addressing safety problems with the bridge, a Virginia citizen stepped up to protect his community in the summer of 2025:

Steve Bonner, who started the Facebook group “Replace the Robert O. Norris Bridge” nine years ago, has been advocating for safety improvements and bridge replacement… His advocacy efforts paid off in April [2025] when Virginia announced a replacement project is in the works, with construction expected to begin in 2028 — a decade sooner than initially planned.

What was Wittman doing? He convened stakeholders to find a state funding solution for the Norris Bridge; wrote to the U.S. Secretary of Transportation Elaine Chao, urging help to replace the Norris Bridge; and hosted a Norris Bridge Roundtable to discuss “innovative funding sources.” In other words, another round of performative meetings, letters, and verbal support. But when funding came through for the bridge project, Wittman hogged the spotlight. He applauded and claimed credit for the acceleration of the bridge’s replacement project, with zero mention of Steve Bonner’s advocacy.

Here’s another example of Wittman claiming credit for others’ work on roads and bridge infrastructure: removal of tolls on the George P. Coleman Memorial Bridge. Wittman included a provision in the annual defense authorization to inquire about the Navy’s use of the bridge. This was simply a request for a usage report from the Pentagon, and had nothing to do with the bridge funding or tolls. The push to eliminate tolls on the bridge was ultimately resolved by Virginia state officials in 2025. Wittman would have us believe he was instrumental in the removal of the tolls. He was not.

Finally, in 2020 Wittman said he sponsored legislation to replace the Long Bridge that spans the Potomac River between Virginia and DC, to “ease congestion along the I-95 corridor and cut down on the commuter travel time that plagues many VA-01 residents.” His bill went nowhere. Yet when the opportunity came to secure the $729 million needed to fund the bridge during Biden’s term, via the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA, 2021), Wittman voted against it.

When federal infrastructure funding has come to Virginia, Wittman has:

• piggybacked on the success of others,

• claimed credit (or partial credit) for funding he either voted against or had little or nothing to do with procuring, and

• handed out checks even after voting against bills designed to deliver big benefits to VA-01’s infrastructure, like the IIJA.

Wittman votes against funding projects, but loves photo-ops with the checks he thought shouldn't be written

Wittman’s one unambiguous transportation infrastructure success – his Yea vote on the FAST Act – benefited a former version of his district, not the one he represents now. Meanwhile, the bridge projects in today’s VA-01 (Norris, Coleman) are moving via state bond money, not anything Wittman did.

In 19 years Wittman has secured $0.00 actual funding for roads and bridges in VA-01.

Port Transportation

The Port of Virginia and Norfolk Harbor are key for movement of maritime goods across our district. Improvements to each mean that VA-01’s agricultural industries can export more goods at lower cost, benefiting the region as a whole. Wittman noted the “urgent need for expansion” of the Port of Virginia, and deepening Norfolk Harbor to 55 feet for two-way ultra-large-ship traffic.

Wittman played roles in two actions that led to the funding of these projects:

1. He was part of the entire Virginia congressional delegation’s efforts to obtain “New Start” designation that released federal funding. This was led by Rep. Bobby Scott (D-VA03), Wittman, and Senators Kaine and Warner, and had the support of Reps. Connolly, Griffith, Beyer, McEachin, Cline (R-VA), Luria, Riggleman, Spanberger, and Wexton (nine Democrats, four Republicans). Wittman did nothing here that was unique; he was simply part of the group effort.

2. Final funding was approved through the IIJA that Wittman voted against.

As co-chair of the Congressional Shipbuilding Caucus, Wittman has acknowledged that Virginia’s shipbuilding industry is vital to our national defense, our industrial base, and our economy. He failed to sponsor any legislation related to this topic, but in June 2021 he applauded the inclusion of the Norfolk Harbor project in President Biden’s proposed budget. Wittman said, “I will remain a steadfast advocate for this project’s funding as Congress moves to appropriate final allocations.”

Five months later, in November 2021, he voted against the bill that actually delivered the funding and designations needed to make these key projects possible – projects for which he’d said he would “remain a steadfast advocate.” He said, “So while I voted against the infrastructure bill, I am ecstatic that the Port of Virginia received the funding I have worked so hard over the years to secure.”

That’s called voting no and taking the dough. He isn’t fooling anyone.

Rob Wittman’s hypocrisy is clear. What he says is not how he votes, and ultimately his votes are what matters.

Broadband

Rural broadband has lagged behind what’s available in larger towns and cities. The lack of available broadband meant too many of VA-01’s rural households have been stuck with slow dial-up speeds. By 2010, state efforts to expand broadband were underway (although efforts were focused on primarily serving businesses at that time), and broadband appeared for the first time on Wittman’s site. Since then, he’s talked about it a lot:

• He pledged to “support broadband deployment” where needed.

• He tied broadband supply to job and economic growth.

• He touted his efforts to help First District organizations navigate the broadband grant application process.

• He co-sponsored the Broadband Permitting Modernization Act (H. R. 3370) to “modernize broadband permitting on federal lands,” but it never advanced out of committee.

• He hosted a “Broadband Roundtable” during which he gave federal, state, and local stakeholders an update on broadband “expansion efforts.”

• He convened the “1^st Congressional District Broadband Task Force” “to build on the good work that has already been completed (or currently in motion) by our state partners, regional planning districts and county governments.” He’s since held three meetings of the Broadband Task Force, which he then spun off into three “Community Broadband Field Seminars.”

All these task force meetings and seminars served to facilitate local groups’ comprehension of ongoing projects and available federal funding, but did nothing to deliver infrastructure funding. (Think of them as seminars about public information, and nothing more.) They produced no bill, no dedicated funding stream, and no report or set of recommendations on the record. They routed people toward money that Congress and the Commonwealth had already appropriated through programs Wittman didn’t author, and often voted against.

Wittman’s ineffective waffling on broadband could have continued forever except for one thing: COVID-19. Constituents faced the necessity of doing remote work/school while hamstrung by a lack of high-speed internet access. But even then, Wittman chose party politics over helping his own district.

Rob Wittman voted AGAINST the IIJA, the law that funded the
transformational $1.48 billion “Broadband Equity Access and Deployment (BEAD) Program” that has made broadband access possible in VA-01.

Wittman positioned himself as “fighting” for broadband access and held some meetings, but he didn’t wield his power or influence to expand high-speed internet in meaningful or timely ways. If he had paid proper attention, and actually done his job as our representative, VA-01 might have received federal approval for universal broadband internet expansion much earlier than 2025.

Energy, Water, Airports

Wittman has done almost nothing to bolster energy generation and transmission, water and wastewater treatment, and airport infrastructure projects.

• Wittman has neither authored nor co-sponsored energy bills of any substance. He kept his mouth firmly shut while President Trump tried to cancel the Coastal Virginia Offshore Wind Project, threatening $6 billion in investment, 2,000 jobs, and $3 billion potential energy savings. Trump’s plan was eventually prevented by a federal judge, as Wittman stood by and did nothing.

• The Chesapeake Bay Accountability and Recovery Act that Wittman authored monitors spending on Bay recovery efforts, but it provides no funds to improve Bay health. As we covered a few weeks ago, the Bay’s water quality is now worse than when Wittman started 19 years ago.

• Despite pledging to work for “sustainable funding” for regional airports, Wittman has introduced no legislation, co-sponsored nothing, and done nothing.

It’s more of the same from Rob: lots of words, almost zero action, but consistent partisan voting that disregards the needs of people in VA-01.

Wittman’s votes are decided by his party, not VA-01’s needs

Wittman has consistently voted against legislation that would go on to provide the most/best infrastructure benefits for VA-01. He voted against the Moving Forward Act (H. R. 2, 2020) and against the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA, 2021) — the two largest federal infrastructure vehicles of his time in Congress — calling the IIJA the “Green New Deal in disguise” on fiscal and process grounds. Yet VA-01’s three biggest infrastructure outcomes were funded by that very law:

• Norfolk Harbor 55-ft deepening (completed Feb 2024)

  • Final federal share via the IIJA

• Long Bridge (broke ground Oct 2024)

  • $729M via the IIJA’s intercity-rail program

• $1.48 billion in Virginia BEAD broadband funding

  • Created and funded by the IIJA

But his on-the-record opposition does not stop him from posting photo ops of the projects whose funding he voted against!

Earlier in his Congressional career, Wittman also voted against President Obama’s American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (ARRA), which delivered significant funding for Virginia:

• $694,460,823 in highway funds to help build and repair roads and bridges

• $116,105,505 to repair and build public transportation infrastructure

• $5 million to address airport safety and security, infrastructure, runway safety, increased capacity, and mitigation of environmental impacts

After 19 years in Congress, Wittman’s pattern of antagonistic votes shows that infrastructure has never been a high priority for him, despite its importance to literally every person living in his district.

Wittman’s votes have prevented economic opportunities in the First District, limited our kids’ education, restricted entrepreneurs from launching new businesses, made our exports more expensive, and endangered travelers as they traverse increasingly treacherous bridges and waterways.

VA-01 needs an infrastructure champion, not party patsy Wittman

During Wittman’s tenure, several themes have emerged on infrastructure:

• He barely mentions infrastructure unless and until something becomes a critical problem, and even then his efforts are performative rather than substantive. He presents his past nominal efforts as retroactive heroics. We’re not fooled.

• He voted against legislation that would go on to provide the most and best infrastructure benefits for VA-01. His interests are not dictated by our needs; instead, they’re aligned with his party’s tear-it-down political philosophy.

• When a positive result or outcome arises, he claims credit even when he had nothing to do with the achievement or, worse, actively worked to oppose it. This includes casting himself as the hero when he performed a minor administrative task, or when the effort involved work by a large group of legislators, including many Democrats.

• As with everything Wittman publishes, he grossly exaggerates what he has actually delivered for the district.

Virginia’s First District could have had a representative who cared about infrastructure from day one. We could have had a rep who consistently voted YES for massive infrastructure bills and vigorously fought to secure every cent of funding our district needs. Broadband expansion should have been addressed much sooner, and a forward-looking rep would have considered making internet access a utility rather than a privilege. Such a rep could have taken an active role in preventing the Trump administration and billionaires like Elon Musk from benefiting financially from “satellite technology at the expense of fiber.”

VA-01 could have had a rep who secured more funding to

• ease traffic congestion

• expand/update the district’s public transportation and rail

• prioritize the repair of roads

• create bridge preservation projects

• build more electric vehicle charging stations

• modernize the energy grid

• and much more.

We cannot change the past, but we can change the future. Virginia’s 2022 report card shows that our state has ongoing infrastructure needs. VA-01’s next representative must understand the need to secure consistent, long-term investments in infrastructure — not as an empty pledge or in response to pressing problems. Our future representative can embrace innovative infrastructure solutions and resilience: “[using] new approaches, materials, and technologies to ensure our infrastructure can withstand or quickly recover from natural or man-made hazards.” Such a representative can explore additional funding streams for infrastructure, such as progressive tax reform and ensuring that billionaires and multimillionaires pay their fair share.

This outcome is not out of reach, but we need to VOTE for it. On November 4, we must elect a representative who will strive to prioritize infrastructure and serve this district’s needs in a real way, not as a retroactive performance. Meet seven options better than Rob Wittman.

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What do you think about Rob Wittman’s 19-year record on infrastructure? What should our next representative focus on to bring greater opportunities and prosperity to VA-01? Let us know in the comments.